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Public life in Spain, its creativity and its character, has the rare exceptionality of moving, contrary to what is tradition in the countries around us, from the complex to the simple or, what is the same, in a drift permanent towards the mediocrity of the most substantive values of politics, understood in the Azañista way, as a civic drive governed with lucidity. No type of in-depth analysis of Spanish politics is possible because everything is epidermis, manca finezza that Andreotti described as the basic trap of a ribald institutional life where values and ideologies are unexpected entities which do not serve to shape the majority social models. but, on the contrary, they constitute factors hostile to the sovereignty of the civic majorities by the powers that should be situated, given their arbitral function, outside ideological concepts such as judicial bodies affected by an excess of party toxicity in their context.
The blockade of the constitutional bodies (Constitutional Court, General Council of the Judiciary, Court of Accounts) by the Popular Party , these bodies reflecting a reality of non-existent majorities, under the pretext of the right-wing refusal of Podemos's participation in the renewal , that is, the non-recognition of the influence of a party that makes Australia Phone Number up the parliamentary majority and the government of the nation, is such undemocratic vulgarity that it is only possible in the context of a regime with little pluralistic vocation such as the one born from the Transition. . The right continues to maintain a patrimonialist idea of the nation in such a way that everything that is not in line with its concept of homeland is contrary and destructive for Spain.
It is the country of the Count, Duke of Olivares, when he stated: “God is Spanish and he is on the side of the nation these days.” The politicization of justice, or the judicialization of politics , is one more, albeit onerous, notch in the shell of the dysfunctions of a system whose survival is only possible in summary terms of post-democratic constriction. It is, therefore, from the exoneration of the free establishment of public opinion, guided by the large groups of communication and cultural irradiation at the service of the de facto powers of the regime and the establishment of what is possible through the prescriptions of an institutional architecture born of the will to persist of an active post-Franco regime whose substantivity did not undergo any type of material or ideological correction in the Transition process, it is a reality that the dynastic left has not only lacked a severe will for transformation but this reality has changed progressive organizations through a limiting adaptive denaturalization of the ideological spaces of social and political change.
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發表於 2024-3-9 17:22:28